According to Joey Fishkin at Balkinization, Justice Scalia's majority opinion in Arizona v. The Inter Tribal Council of Arizona holding that federal law trumps Arizona's voter ID registration requirement provides a textbook example of textualism compared to Justice Thomas's classic originalism dissent in the same case. Fishkin says originalism, like Arizona, comes out the loser:
I understand why many conservatives do not like to acknowledge the sweep of the post-New Deal commerce clause, and indeed have spent the last 20 years fighting it and paring it back. The New Deal conflict is never entirely settled, and moreover, the New Deal involved no Article V Amendments. Acknowledging that constitutional change is possible without Article V Amendments is a challenge to much of the originalist project. Bruce Ackerman has a famous, brilliant argument that in fact we need to acknowledge non-Article V change if we hope to understand either the Founding or Reconstruction. But most originalists cannot accept this; it’s too destabilizing for their theory.
So that’s what makes the case of the Elections Clause especially interesting. Here we have an issue of federalism on which every originalist must agree that a great deal of constitutional change occurred in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. You don’t need to acknowledge any amendment analogues, super-statutes, or non-Article V changes when you’ve got at least five straight-up Article V Amendments (leaving aside here Bruce’s powerful argument that the Reconstruction Amendments did not in fact satisfy the formal requirements of Article V). Everyone agrees that every one of the five Article V Amendments listed by Justice Thomas explicitly expands both federal constitutional rights and Congressional power in the sphere of elections. (And I think one might also add to that list the Seventeenth Amendment [direct popular election of Senators] and the Twenty-Third Amendment [presidential votes for Washington D.C.], each of which moves us incrementally further away from the old state-based election system, and each of which contains an additional express grant of Congressional power.) The question is whether all these Article V changes ought to affect our constitutional analysis of federalism and election law in a deep, structural way—or whether instead, we should treat each clause of text like a separate, hermetically sealed time capsule, so that subsequent constitutional changes might have independent meaning, but have no effect on the meaning of older bits of text.
Imagine, in other words, the Elections Clause in a time capsule, sitting safely underground beneath the battlefield at Antietam, placidly unaffected by any changes related to voting that may have arisen out of that conflict. It sits similarly underground as suffragists march and win, as the Civil Rights movement secures the Voting Rights Act that introduced tough and intrusive new constraints on the actions of state election officers and local registrars. Through all those changes and more, we are supposed to imagine an Elections Clause safely below ground (nevermind that it was being invoked and used by governments above) and ready for an originalist justice to open the capsule in 2013.